Optics good, outcomes less eye-catching at Putin – Modi ‘pas-de-deux’

 

New Delhi: The optics during the visit of Russian President Vladimir Putin to India on December 4 & 5 were picture perfect, from Prime Minister Narendra Modi being present at the airport to personally receive, and hug, the visiting dignitary, to riding with him to his residence for a private dinner. The other, usual, paraphernalia of a state visit were also there, including the formal reception at the forecourt of Rashtrapati Bhavan, the day-long meeting of the principals and their delegations and, of course, Indian President Draupadi Murmu’s state banquet for the Russian president.

Putin’s visit, which was the cynosure of many eyes across world capitals, marked the 25th anniversary of the Declaration on Strategic Partnership between India and Russia, established during his first state visit to India in October 2000, had critical symbolic and strategic relevance for both countries, although the outcomes did not quite live up to the optics.

For Russia, the 23rd annual India Russia summit indicated a more strategic pivot towards Asia while showing that it has friends despite western sanctions and efforts at international isolation. For India, the visit highlighted its policy of strategic autonomy, while affirming that it would conduct its foreign policy based on its national interests and not the dictates of others.

Exchanges between leaders of India and Russia are usually staid, somewhat stodgy affairs in which everything goes by the script and the principals profess themselves to be in a “special” relationship before returning to their more pressing concerns. After the initial expectation of Putin possibly outlining what his ‘red lines’ would be to reach a settlement to end the hostilities in Ukraine and the bonhomie between the principals, the joint statement issued at the end of the visit returned to the old phraseology, testifying the India-Russia relationship “as a time-tested, progressive partnership that is anchored in trust and mutual respect. It reflects the very special nature of our ties, and provides a comprehensive framework for further deepening our multifaceted bilateral partnership,” Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri said.

“Economic cooperation,” he said, was “the driving impulse and the most important focus of this particular visit; expanding bilateral trade and strengthening economic cooperation requires swiftly addressing non-tariff barriers and regulatory impediments. Enhancing Indian exports to Russia in sectors such as pharmaceuticals, agriculture, marine products, and textiles is important to correct the trade imbalance,” Misri explained.

Russia and India did sign 16 strategic and economic agreements, ranging from health to maritime cooperation, fertilizer to customs, academic to media collaboration. The new economic cooperation programme, covering trade and investment, will continue through to 2030 and form the foundation for an FTA with the Eurasian Economic Union. As part of the agreement, Russia promised to supply India with fuel continuously for an indefinite period. Both countries agreed to deepen their energy and critical minerals relationship by developing small modular reactors and floating nuclear power plants, and by establishing shipping routes through the Arctic.

Putin, on his first visit to India since he launched hostilities against Ukraine in February 2022 and coming right after holding talks with US interlocutors about a possible peace agreement with Kyiv, said in an interview to ‘India Today’ that he would not like to make public the nature of his discussions for arriving at a peace settlement, but explained that he had gone into Ukraine to protect Russian interests and he had no interest in reviving the Soviet Union “empire”. Modi reiterated that India only sought peace.

While the visit provided an opportunity for Putin to review the progress of the India – Russia relationship with Modi, and chart the course to navigate and bolster the bilateral ‘Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership,’ the conversation about Ukraine, and the outcomes in the energy and defence sectors which were closely monitored in major world capitals.

In an unusual and even undiplomatic public comment days before Putin’s visit, three European envoys to India, wrote about it in a joint op-ed piece for the Times of India newspaper. Britain’s High Commissioner Lindy Cameron, French Ambassador Thierry Mathou and German Ambassador Philipp Ackermann accused Russia of escalating the Ukraine war even while peace talks were underway and said Putin could, if he wanted, immediately end the war. Russian Ambassador Denis Alipov countered their comments with a detailed defence of the Russian position on Ukraine.
That such comments appeared in a newspaper with close links with the government was a clear indication that New Delhi, which also has close ties with the European countries, was being neutral in its approach and was keen to enhance its global stature by being involved in trying to facilitate a peace settlement on Ukraine.

While not earth-shaking, the visit reiterated the crucial nature of the India – Russia relationship, which will continue to add ballast incrementally, bilaterally and at multiple forums where both countries feature prominently, like the BRICS and SCO.

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